Racial representation and Brazilian politics: Black members of the National Congress, 1983-1999

Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs, Winter 1998 by Johnson, Ollie A III

There is a stereotype of who can be intelligent and competent, who can have power. In Brazil it is rich, white men who represent the face of power.

-Benedita da Silva, Afro-Brazilian Senator

In examining politics, legislatures, and elected officials, scholars often make a distinction between descriptive and substantive representation. In the former, representatives share the social or demographic characteristics of the represented (Pitkin 1967, 60-91; Mansbridge 1996). In the latter, representatives pursue policies favorable to the interests of the represented (Swain 1993, 5; Lublin 1997,12). From the perspective of these scholars, substantive representation may be achieved without descriptive representation. At the same time, these two types of representation are not mutually exclusive.

In the 1980s and 1990s, several events highlighted the overrepresentation of whites and the underrepresentation of blacks in Brazilian politics. During this period, Abdias do Nascimento became the first black federal deputy, and later black senator, to wage a consistent and explicit defense of the Afro-Brazilian population from within the National Congress. Benedita da Silva became the first black woman to serve as a federal deputy and then a senator. Deputy Paulo Paim introduced legislation calling for reparations for the descendants of slaves. Celso Pitta became the first black mayor of Sao Paulo, Brazil's largest city and one of the world's most populous. African Brazilian politicians Alceu Collares, Joao Alves, and Albuino Azeredo all served as state governors at the same time. Through their electoral victories, political activities, or support of race-specific public policies, these national black politicians have highlighted the question of racial representation.

This study uses the terms black, African Brazilian, and AfroBrazilian interchangeably to refer to Brazilians of African ancestry, including people whom popular discourse might call "morenos," "mulattos," or other terms indicating mixed racial and ethnic background. The official Brazilian census has five main color (or racial) categories: white, black, yellow, brown, and indigenous. The Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatistica (IBGE) also counts those individuals who do not declare a color or race. Following Nascimento (1978) and Andrews (1991), this study combines the black and brown categories for analytical purposes.

This essay is the first scholarly attempt to investigate the racial composition of the Brazilian Congress, to analyze black underrepresentation, and to examine the behavior of black members. The central thesis consists of two propositions: that Afro-Brazilians are dramatically underrepresented in Congress in relation to their proportion of the general population, and that racial underrepresentation and related political and cultural factors greatly reduce Afro-Brazilian effectiveness in Congress.

The black members of Congress have attempted nevertheless to change Brazilian politics in important and consequential ways. Black politicians have encouraged white political actors and the general public to address racism and racial inequality. These Afro-Brazilian leaders have organized formally and informally within political parties and government institutions to pursue race-conscious public policies. They have also advocated a new and more prominent role for blacks in Brazilian society and politics.

Most studies of Brazilian politics usually ignore or minimize the question of race.1 Experts on Brazilian political institutions avoid race for two primary reasons. First, it is argued that Brazilian society is allegedly not organized in a rigid racial manner and therefore race is not a relevant cleavage that might provoke conflict, violence, or some type of disruption to the polity (that is, mass movement or riot). Second, some commentators suggest that Brazilians do not have a strong racial consciousness and therefore do not behave racially in politically relevant ways (that is, voting along racial lines, organizing influential racial organizations and movements, or engaging in clear and persistent racial discrimination). One of Brazil's top political scientists, Bolivar Lamounier, observes,

while differences and eventual tensions in the relationship between ethnic and religious groups may exist in Brazil, there has not been to the present an explosive projection of cleavages of this type in the political arena warranting special or privileged treatment. The basic divisions of Brazilian society are essentially socioeconomic and, to a lesser degree, regional and ideological. (1993, 120)2

In addition, the numerous studies on political parties, presidentialism, and democratization in Brazil and Latin America have paid minimal attention to racial issues in general and the role of blacks in particular (O'Donnell and Schmitter 1986; Reis and O'Donnell 1988; Stepan 1989; Mainwaring and Scully 1995; Mainwaring and Shugart 1997).

Race has been relevant to Brazilian politics nevertheless. While Brazilians have not always spoken of or struggled over politics in explicitly racial terms, racial politics has played a strong historical and contemporary role in society. Racial slavery existed in Brazil for approximately 350 years (from the 1530s to 1888), even though it was intertwined with socioeconomic inequality, regional diversity, and ideological differences. Racial representation is significant because at a general level, the vast majority of Brazil's rulers in the twentieth century have been white or relatively lightskinned while the majority of the poor and marginalized have been black or of a darker complexion (Toledo 1989; Nascimento 1978). This political reality, especially following more than three centuries of black enslavement, warrants empirical investigation and theoretical reflection.