Turkey: The emergence of a new foreign policy the neo-ottoman imperial model

Journal of Political and Military Sociology, Winter 1996 by Constantinides, Stephanos

The Middle-East option presents a series of obstacles: antagonism with some countries and difficult relations with them--this is the case especially with Syria and Iran--the suspicions of the Arab World towards Turkey because it has been dominated by the Ottoman Empire, the suspicions of some other countries like Saudi Arabia facing a secular State, the traditionally good relations with Israel, etc. Nevertheless, Turkey succeeded to normalize its relations with the majority of the Middle-East countries and exploited the booming markets of the oil-producing countries.

Turkey's choice of the Balkans as a priority area to develop its new imperial policy is explained by several factors: it may work in complementarity with European ambitions, it's a response to sensitivities on the fate of Turkish and Muslim minorities of the area, but mainly this choice constitutes a challenge to Greece. The difficult relations with Greece on the Cyprus question and the Aegean dispute may explain the efforts of Turkey to oppose the Greeks in their own backyard. On the other hand the presence of Turkey in the Balkans as a defendant of Islam facilitates its relations with some Middle-East countries. It shows a country being sensitive to the misfortunes of the Islamic population of Bosnia and generally as its protector. It may also reassure Western countries who prefer the Turkish influence in the area than the Iranian one for example. In a way the Turkish Balkan policy is closely linked with its Middle-East policy. This is especially apparent in Turkey's policy in the Eastern Mediterranean with the invasion and occupation of the northern part of Cyprus in 1974. Furthermore, this occupation is an example of the application of what one may call a neo-Ottoman imperial policy.

III. THE BALKAN POLICY OF TURKEY

To analyze present Turkish implications in the Balkans one has to refer to the nineteenth century and even before when this area was part of the Ottoman Empire. The trends of these implications are conflicting and controversial. From one point of view, the people in the Balkans are very suspicious of every Turkish initiative in the region because of the past occupation under the Ottoman Empire. From another point of view the Bosnian issue, the tension between Greece and FYROM (Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia), the difficulties in Greek-Albanian relations, facilitated a return of Turkish influence in the area. The Turkish Balkan policy is part of a reorientation of the whole foreign policy of this country from the Kemalist model to a new one connected with the Ottoman imperial past. As a matter of fact, after the unsuccessful Turkish attempt to play a role in the Caucasus and Central Asia and the return of Russian in this area, Turkey has become more aggressive in the Balkans.

A. The Bosnian Card

The first element of the Turkish policy in the area is the Bosnian crisis. Turkey tried to play the card of Islam. However, this was done carefully in order to distance itself from Iran's Bosnian policy and without provoking Western allies. This is the first time since the Ottoman Empire's defeat in the Balkan Wars (1912) that this country is welcomed in the area by a Balkan State. As a Turkish analyst noted, what "accounts for the proBosnian-Muslim sentiments of Turkish public opinion" is "the fact that Bosnian-Muslim history is so intimately and favorably--a novelty in Balkan history--linked with Ottoman history and there is an estimated 3-4 million Turks of Bosnian origin in Turkey."9 It is clear that Turkey uses Islamic affinities and the Ottoman past in order to increase its influence in Bosnia. In this context, Turkey participated in the United Nations Peace Force but also contributed to humanitarian and military aid to the Muslims of Bosnia. Turkish volunteers participated in the War of Bosnia10 and Turkey administrated a program training Muslim forces. This Turkish presence in Bosnia coincides with Western interests. Turkey is seen as a moderate Islamic presence against a radical Iranian influence. On the other hand, Bosnia is a strategic space for the whole presence of Turkey in the Balkans. It gives Turkey the possibility to establish an axis of specific relations with the rest of Balkan states.