Class placement of elementary school emerging bilingual students

Bilingual Research Journal, Spring 1998 by Tellez, Kip

Abstract

The present study tracks course placement and achievement from a large data set of "LEP" elementary students. The results indicate that the course placement for many students is uneven and unlikely to support the goals of bilingual or ESL education. For instance, many native Spanish-speaking students who began their schooling in a bilingual education classroom were later placed in ESL classes, then placed back into bilingual education, resulting in language learning disruptions. An analysis of achievement data suggests improper placement may result in lower achievement. However, it is argued that the general data collected by schools does not currently render much useful evaluation of bilingual or ESL education.

Krashen and Biber's 1988 work "On Course: The Condition of Bilingual Education in California" is one of many research studies documenting the effectiveness of bilingual education (e.g., Collier, 1992; Ramirez, Yuen & Ramey, 1991; Troike, 1978). Their study illustrated that bilingual education, when implemented properly, results in high academic gains. This paper explores the language class placement of non-English-speaking children in, elementary school. Specifically, what are the language placement class sequences for Emerging Bilingual (EB)1 elementary students? Are EB students "on course" for success? Additionally, how long do native Spanish-speaking EB students spend in bilingual education classes? In other words, do elementary age EB students begin in a bilingual education class then move to an English as a Second Language (ESL) class? Or is their class placement less educationally sound? For instance, do some students begin in an ESL class and then move to a bilingual class? The former class sequence would seem to disrupt English language acquisition and hinder native language development. A related question is how long do native Spanish-speaking EB students spend in bilingual education classes? Given the reported shortage of bilingual education teachers, do students frequently enter and exit bilingual education classes? What percentage of elementary EB students are placed in English as a Second Language (ESL) classes instead of bilingual education? Equally important, how many parents refuse to place their child in language-learning classrooms (i.e., bilingual or ESL)? The research literature on EB students thus far has been unable to address these questions. The present study examines a large data set of EB students over a four-year period to assess course sequence patterns. A corollary, but provisional, analysis of EB academic achievement linked to course sequence was also conducted.

Class sequence is a crucial element in language learning; especially important is the year in which students are transitioned out of a language-learning class. The data reporting class sequence or course of specific programs are rich, pointing out researchers' penchant for examining model programs. Gersten and Woodward ( 1995), for instance, analyzed data from a recent, well-controlled bilingual program in which language class sequence was ensured in a longitudinal setting. However, special programs that promise to ensure quality class placements do not necessarily reflect the common experience of EB elementary students. Indeed, educators and policy makers are given to understand that teacher shortages cause deep and enduring gaps in the delivery of languagelearning classes. Finding the shortcomings in course sequence placement cannot be answered by studying special programs.

Experienced educators know that special programs, often by virtue of the experimental focus, can show impressive academic gains. However, few studies to date have explored the language acquisition of the EB student not served by a special or experimental program. By examining large student data sets, the chasm between educational ideals and policy constraints can be documented.

Requirements of a Sound Bilingual and ESL Education

For most children, becoming literate takes considerable time and effort. Similarly, children learning a second language must make great cognitive and emotional investments if they are to succeed. Yet, it is these two challenging acts of the human intellect, literacy in the native language and learning a second language, that form the axles on which the wheels of bilingual education turn. The twin goals of literacy in the native language while mastering a second language require high quality instruction. If bilingual education proceeds as planned, students enter late elementary school with sound content area knowledge, grade-level literacy skills in their native language, oral proficiency (and often strong literacy skills) in English, and pride in their cultural and linguistic heritage (Cummins, 1989). When fully implemented, bilingual education develops strong literacy skills in the native language, the linchpin of bilingual education. Without a strong foundation in literacy and academic development in the native language, the transition to English results in low literacy and cognitive skills in two languages. The distressing data documenting the large number of Latino dropouts, many of whom began their schooling in bilingual education, suggests that something, somewhere, has gone wrong (Kaufman & Frase, 1990). Strengthening bilingual education programs may be part of the solution, although a cause and effect relationship has not been clearly established.