ASL-English bilingual classroom: The families' perspectives
Bilingual Research Journal, Spring 2002 by Allen, Bobbie M
Abstract
Traditionally, professionals have provided information about deafness and its implications to families from a "hearing perspective," but not from a "deaf perspective." With diagnosis, the family is faced with raising a child that does not match its expectations ofa "normal" child. Families may experience grieving, non-acceptance of deafness, and confusion created by an abundance of detailed and contradictory information. The purpose of this paper is to examine families' perspectives about their children's deafness, language, and education when the children's educational setting is bilingual. Qualitative methods, specifically interviews and focus group meetings, were used. The findings suggest when information with a "deaf perspective" is provided and certain classroom conditions are present, families are empowered with new attitudes about deafness.
Introduction
Families are provided information about the possible long-term effects of deafness on the child and how difficult it will be for the child to be successful in mainstream society or within a dominant culture of "hearing" people. Little information, if any, is provided about the possible effects on the entire family and the views of the deaf community (Lane, 1992; Lane, Hoffmeister, & Bahan, 1996; Mahshie, 1995). The "hearing perspective" emphasizes the various types of devices that may facilitate the child's use of residual hearing, the acquisition of spoken language, speech and auditory training strategies and based on the degree of the hearing loss, the potential for academic achievement within particular educational settings. To construct a balanced perspective, families need information from the "deaf perspective," particularly its views on cochlear implants, the use of American Sign Language (ASL) in home and school settings, its culture and rich heritage, and resources available within the community.
Within a bilingual setting for deaf children in the United States, ASL is the primary language of instruction rather than other sign languages of the world such as Mexican Sign Language. The underlying principle is the acquisition of a primary language that is accessible, that being ASL, the language of the deaf community in the United States. ASL is considered the primary language even though the families' primary or dominant language may be Spanish, Hmong, or Vietnamese, to name just a few. Deafness does not recognize the cultural, economic, or linguistic diversity of families and, therefore, creates classrooms of children from many different linguistic and cultural backgrounds. It is not the intent of ASL-English bilingual programs to not recognize or respect the various home languages represented in classrooms for deaf and hard of hearing children. The view is that the acquisition of an "accessible" and complete language is most critical in order to facilitate the child's linguistic, cultural, social, and cognitive development needed for academic success. This is a very different philosophical view from other bilingual programs for hearing children that develop and maintain the children's primary home language such as Spanish and the dominant language, English.
Signed languages are different than spoken languages, but the key for deaf children is to have comprehensible input and establish a primary language. ASL will provide access to English print and eventually other languages such as Spanish print. For some deaf children, spoken languages may develop, and for others, it may not. Thus, the purpose of the this study is to determine families' perspectives about their children's deafness, language, and education when their children are enrolled in a bilingual program where the primary language of instruction (ASL) most likely does not align with the home language, that is, unless the child is from a deaf family.
Families' Acceptance of Deafness
The grieving process has been defined by, and is in the mindset of some professionals, a "natural process" that hearing families must undergo in order to accept their children's deafness (Ramsey, 2000). When one examines the two worldviews of the deaf and hearing communities, there is a realization that the subordinate culture (deaf) does not experience the "expected" grieving process, but instead embraces their children's deafness. Ramsey (2000) reported that Mexican American families of deaf children do not talk about their children in terms of grieving; instead, they may refer to feelings of sadness or surprise. Based on love, affection, and their obligations as parents, their approach was to do whatever was necessary for their children. Consequently, grieving may not be a natural process, but rather a process that is influenced and legitimatized by how the dominant culture (hearing and English speaking communities) in the United States defines the expected "normal" skills of a person (Allen, 1998b). The over-emphasis on the "hearing deficit" makes it difficult for family members to accept the child's deafness, creates family turmoil and uncertainty, and can eventually interfere with the child's overall success in the educational setting and society.
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