significance of language and cultural education on secondary achievement: A survey of Chinese-American and Korean-American students, The

Bilingual Research Journal, Summer 2002 by Lee, Steven K

Abstract

This study attempted to answer the question: What isthe significance of language and cultural orientation on academic achievement? This study examined the relationship between the students' level of interest in maintaining their heritage language and culture and their achievement in school. The subjects for this study were 105 U.S.-born, Chinese-American and Korean-American students attending public high schools in Southern California. The study found that those who valued the acculturation process, adapting to the mainstream culture while preserving their language and culture, had superior academic achievement levels to those who were most interested in the assimilation process and who adopted the values and lifestyles of the dominant culture. In light ofthe implementation ofthe "English Only" policy in California's public schools, this study has important implications in public education-that curriculum and instruction should focus on helping language and cultural minority students to develop and maintain their heritage while exposing them to new ideas.

There is a prevalent stereotype in the American society that Asian-- American students are high achievers; hence, the term "model minority" is often used in reference to Asian-Americans. Such use emerged during the 1960s in the midst of the civil rights movement (Osajima, 1988; Sue & Kitano, 1973). It was coined as a hegemonic device, attempting to divert attention away from the racial and ethnic tension of the period and laud the economic success of Asian-Americans outside of the movement. Thus, the term was not really used to recognize the important contribution of Asian-Americans to American society. On the contrary, the model minority stereotype was propagated by the media to subdue growing demands from the African-American and other minority groups for equal rights. The media often cited Asian-Americans as an example of a model group that achieved educational and social prosperity in the absence of government assistance or intervention in schools and in employment, and who were able to seek educational and employment opportunities-thereby delegitimizing the issue of racial inequality and suppressing public outcry for rectification and improvements in educational and social systems of the United States.

According to many scholars (e.g., Caplan, Choy, & Whitmore, 1991; Hsu, 1971; Kitano, 1969; Mordkowitz & Ginsberg, 1987; Sung, 1987) Asian-Americans are more successful in school because their culture emphasizes the value of education. In addition, the family-oriented nature of Asian cultures, in which academic success is equated with upholding the family honor, is seen as facilitating conditions for educational success. Suzuki (1980), one of the first to examine educational achievement from a historical cultural perspective, posited that academic success of AsianAmericans was a reaction to social stratification that existed in the United States: Exclusion of Asian-Americans from social participation forced parents to push for education for their children to overcome the social and political barriers. More recent studies (e.g., Hirschman & Wong, 1986; Mark & Chili, 1982; Sue & Okazaki, 1990) seem to support Suzuki's theory that perception of education as a key to social mobility is a contributing factor in academic achievement of Asian-Americans. Stacey Lee (1996) found that among the different Asian-American student groups, the group that held the highest regard for education as the most essential for social mobility had superior academic achievement than those groups who did not see school as the key to upward mobility in the society. Whereas the former group felt obligated to do their best in school, the latter group placed little interest in education.

In explaining the different academic achievement among minority groups, Ogbu (1989) distinguished between voluntary and involuntary minorities. According to this theory, voluntary immigrants do better in school because they accept the host culture. This theory also posits that voluntary immigrants believe that their future is determined by their ability to overcome social and economic hurdles through academic success. Studies by Mark and Chili (1982) and Lee (1996) seem to support this theory: They found that parents of Asian-American students often reminded their children to excel in school to overcome racial prejudice and discrimination. In other words, Asian-Americans perceived education as the most important form of empowerment for social mobility. Considering that a relatively high percentage (5.3%) of Asian-Americans enter colleges and universities, Asian-American parents seem to have a great influence on their children's educational interests. Involuntary immigrants are thought to reject the dominant culture because they perceive the mainstream culture to be a threat to their own identity. Thus, according to this theory, involuntary immigrants may regard school success as giving up their culture at the expense of assimilating to the dominant culture, with which school is associated.