Ecological degradation, global tourism, and inequality: Maya interpretations of the changing environment in Quintana Roo, Mexico

Human Organization, Summer 2002 by Juarez, Ana M

This essay, focusing on the perspective of indigenous Mayas, documents and describes the process of ecological degradation and the rise of the tourist industry in Tulum, Quintana Roo, Mexico. Using a combination of ethnographic, secondary, and archival sources, the author challenges widespread assumptions regarding global tourism and explains how local and global forces shaped Tulum's culture and political economy. Although Mayas ambiguously interpret recent social and environmental changes, she shows that they do not critique the process of globalization in and of itself, but rather critique inequality, their loss of cultural autonomy, and their subordinate position within contemporary global cultures and economies. Scholars and planners must begin to consider Maya interpretations of their changing environment to alleviate the area's severe social and ethnic stratification.

Key words: tourism, globalization, social relations, environment, Mayas, Mexico

This essay examines the shift from a mixed subsistence-- based economy to a commercialized tourist-oriented economy from the perspective of indigenous Mayas in Tulum, Quintana Roo, Mexico. I document and describe the process of ecological degradation and the rise of the tourist industry, showing that tourism, consumerism, and proletarianization are powerful institutions and processes over which Mayas have limited control. Furthermore, Mayas negotiate and interpret recent social and environmental changes in contradictory and ambiguous ways. Today-as in the past-they do not critique the process of globalization in and of itself, but rather critique inequality, their loss of cultural autonomy, and their subordinate position within contemporary global cultures and economies.

Despite decades of evidence to the contrary, the dominant discourse on globalization still assumes that almost any kind of economic development-especially tourism-- alleviates poverty and increases the well-being of both individuals and nations (cf. Crick 1989; Chambers 1997). Although academics, activists, policy makers, planners, corporate developers, and the popular media hotly debate the impacts of globalization and global tourism, we cannot fully refute dichotomized conclusions in the debates because tourism has both positive and negative impacts. In fact, most social scientist-like most Mayas themselves-present more complex analyses that recognize both benefits and costs of globalization and tourism, as evidenced in recent scholarship.1 In the 1990s, scholars and activists suggested ethnic or ecologically oriented tourism as alternatives to mass tourism because they were friendlier to both local people and the natural environment, but some are beginning to rethink even these alternatives because their effects are similar to mass tourism (McLaren 1998; Primack et al. 1998).

In Mexico, globalization has been complicated by the "economic restructuring" of the 1990s, which further subordinated many citizens (Pi-Sunyer and Brooke Thomas 1999:4). Looking strictly at the economic data in Quintana Roo usually leads one to conclude that the benefits of global tourism far outweigh its costs. Since the tourist era, which began in 1970, the state has had the highest rate of growth in Mexico (Garcia Villa 1992; SEDESOL n.d.). Numerous scholars, however, have concluded that most local citizens-- especially Mayas-remain marginalized despite rosy economic growth (Brown 1999; Pi-Sunyer and Brooke Thomas 1997; Pi-Sunyer, Brooke Thomas, and Daltabuit 1999; Clancy 1998; Hostettler 1996). Although it is one of Mexico's wealthiest states, Quintana Roo has some of the country's poorest and most malnourished residents (Roldan et al. 1999). In addition, compared to Mexico's national level, Quintana Roo has higher rates of infant and maternal mortality, a higher rate of divorce, and a lower average age of death (SEDESOL n.d.1).

Background

During the mid-19th century "Caste War" of Yucatan (1847-1901), Tulum became one of the Maya centers of power that developed in opposition to the Yucatec and Mexican governments. This race-mediated conflict involved mestizo and indigenous Maya struggles for autonomy and independence from the Mexican state of Yucatan and resulted in one of the longest and most successful indigenous resistance movements in the Americas.2 As are most historical events, the Caste War was multiply determined by factors including political struggles between centralists and federalists, the impact of the Bourbon Reforms, changes in land use and the economy, political relations with neighboring countries, and the history of church and racial exploitation.3

Shortly after the conflicts began, miraculous crosses and saints began appearing to various rebel factions throughout the area, and the crosses (managed by human patrons) ultimately became responsible for guiding and leading Maya forces. More importantly, Mayas elaborated new forms of social organization and military, political, religious, and cultural practices centered on the crosses, which ultimately became the heart of culturally distinct customs and identities. Followers of the miraculous crosses believed themselves to be "true Christians," in contrast to their enemies, and identified themselves as Cruzoob (Spanish for cross with the Maya plural suffix). With a hierarchical social organization that included military-political leaders, and religious leaders such as the patrons of the crosses, the Cruzoob eventually controlled the easternmost portion of the Yucatan peninsula. In 1901 President Porfirio Diaz sent the Mexican army to make the final conquest and erected the federal territory of Quintana Roo. Still, Mexico maintained only nominal control over Maya territory until the second half of the 20th century. Today the descendants of the Cruzoob are most likely to identify themselves as people of the Santa Cruz/Cruces (Holy Cross/Crosses), or members of the Iglesia Maya, churches located in political-ceremonial centers where the miraculous crosses and saints are housed. Maya social organization and cultural-religious practices are centered around the churches, including religious practitioners who say Mass and preside over baptisms, weddings, funerals, periodic festivals, and other sacred occasions. Men are still expected to provide religious service by periodically guarding the church and its miraculous crosses and saints, even though the Iglesia Maya is no longer focused on war and military activities.