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CLOTHING "DAME HELISENNE": THE STAGING OF FEMALE AUTHORSHIP AND THE PRODUCTION OF THE 1538 ANGOYSSES DOULOUREUSES QUI PROCEDENT D'AMOURS

Romanic Review,  Nov 2001  by Chang, Leah L

<< Page 1  Continued from page 15.  Previous | Next

24. The second title runs as follows: "La seconde partie des angoisses douloureuses, qui procedent d'amours: Composee par Dame Helisenne, Parlant en la personne de son Amy Guenelic: En laquelle sont comprins les faicts d'armes de Quezinstra et dudict Guenelic errans par le pays, en cherchant ladict Dame." The third title begins with identical language, but substitutes the following phrase after the colon: "Comprenant la mort de ladicte Dame, apres avoir este retrouvee par ledict Guenelic son amy."

25. For instance, Janot might have decided not to put the fourth title page on a separate leaf in order to economize on paper. In his study of the emblems in Maurice Sceve's Delie, Edwin M. Duvall stresses the importance of typographical considerations in the layout of texts and images. See his "Articulation of the 'Delie'" Emblems, Numbers, and the Book," Modern Language Review 75 (1980) 65-75.1 thank Abby Zanger of Harvard University for underscoring the importance of considering the commercial reasons behind book layout and ornamentation.

26. Since in the sixteenth century printed books were usually sold in unbound copies, the purchaser could bind them as he or she saw fit, using a favorite bookbinder or one in association with the bookseller or printer. Or, the reader could choose not to bind the book at all, which would minimize the price. Denys Janot could have had all three Parties available for purchase separately in his shop on La Rue Neuve Nostre Dame. Or they could have been sold together, and the signature patterns represent the printer's way of facilitating the future binding process. The latter seems most likely, since most extant copies include all the Parties. In the end, however, there is no way to tell definitively how the book was originally intended to be sold and circulated.

27. The last page of Guenelic's narrative appears on FFF 7 v°, and Quezinstra's epilogue begins on the recto of FFF 8.

28. On writers' anxiety about the textual authority of printers see Cynthia Brown, Poets, Patrons, and Printers: Crisis of Authority in Late Medieval France (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991); George Hoffmann, "The Montaigne Monopoly: Revising the Essais under the French Privilege System," PMLA 108 (1993) 309-311, 315.

29. I cannot entirely explain the variation on the title that Janot uses in this colophon. Most likely, he needed to justify the lines and shortened the title of the book in order to do so.

30. Philippe Renouard, Les Marques Typographiques Parisiens de XVe et XVIe Siecle (Paris: H. Champion, 1926) 149-150. The compartment is number 485 and the printer's mark is number 480.

31. For the family tree of the Janot and Trepperei, see Emile Picot's entry in Revue d'histoire et de litterature 2 (1887) 47-50.

32. Elizabeth Armstrong claims that Janot was granted this title in 1543, while Henri Omont claims he succeeded to the position in 1544. See Omont, Catalogue des Editions Francaise de Denys Janot (Paris, 1899) 12-13. Armstrong notes that in the 1540's this title was barely more than nominal permission to print all French books that passed the censorship. See her Robert Estienne Royal Printer; an historical study of the Elder Stephanus (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1954) 122.