Counseling interracial couples and multiracial individuals: Applying a multicultural counseling competency framework

Counseling and Human Development, Dec 2002 by Kenney, Kelley R

Interracial couples, multiracial individuals, and multiracial families are a rapidly increasing segment of the U.S. population. Recent U.S. census data reveal that there are approximately 1.6 million interracial married couples, 10 times the number of interracial married couples reported in the 1960s.

The 2000 census marked the first time in U.S. history that people could identify themselves as having more than one racial background. In the 2000 census, 2.4% of the country's 281.4 million individuals identified themselves as multiracial. Of these, 93% reported being of two racial backgrounds, 7 % reported being of three or more racial backgrounds, and an estimated 823 people checked all six racial categories. According to Root (2001) these numbers suggest that the United States is moving in the direction of becoming an intimately interracial and multiracial country.

CONTEMPORARY INTERRACIAL COUPLES: EXPERIENCES AND CHALLENGES

Demographic data suggest that Latina, Asian, and American women and Black and White men tend to intermarry at higher rates. Interracial marriage occurs most frequently between European Americans and Asians, and marriages between Blacks and Whites make up the lowest percentage of interracial marriages (Wehrly, Kenney, & Kenney, 1999; Root, 2001). Despite the lifting of legal sanctions against interracial marriage as a result of the 1967 Supreme Court's Loving decision and the increased numbers of interracial marriages since that time, the topic of interracial marriage still evokes considerable controversy and scrutiny. Black-White interracial marriage, specifically, continues to meet with mixed and often intense hostile attitudes, particularly from Whites (Frankenberg, 1993; Root, 2001).

Societal concerns regarding interracial unions are representative of many unresolved issues about race (Spickard, 1992). The historical context of the controversy regarding intermarriage in the United States is based upon a set of assumptions and societal myths regarding the superiority of Whites (Davis, 1991; Spickard, 1989). These myths denigrated Blacks, American Indians and, later, Asians, and suggested that racial mixing with any of these groups resulted in contamination of the racial purity of Whites and therefore was dangerous (Davis, 1991; Pascoe, 1991).

Myths and stereotypes regarding interracial marriage prevail in today's society and continue to stigmatize these unions (Wehrly et al., 1999). Many of these myths and stereotypes suggest that those who intermarry have ulterior motives for doing so (Wardle, 1992). These motives include a desire to experiment with the exotic, sexual curiosity and promiscuity, a quest for economic and social status or achievement, domination, inability to attract a member of one's own race, potential citizenship, rebellion against family or society, low self-esteem, and racial self-hatred (Frankenburg, 1993; Root, 1992; Rosenblatt, Karis, & Powell, 1995; Spickard, 1989). Other myths have implied that persons of color are more willing to accept children of interracial unions than Whites are (Wardle, 1992) and that the difficulties faced by interracial individuals and families are based upon race (Wehrly, 1996).

These myths and stereotypes are a continued source of prejudicial attitudes, acts of violence, discrimination, and rejection of interracial couples and multiracial individuals. Many interracial couples, particularly Black-White couples and their children have had to deal with opposition resulting in isolation and alienation by family, friends, and neighbors (Root, 1994, 2001; Rosenblatt et al., 1995; Solsberry, 1994). The extent of opposition and difficulty that couples experience, however, has varied based upon their socioeconomic status, educational background, and community in which they live (Rosenblatt et al., 1995; Solsberry, 1994; Zebroski, 1999).

The challenges that exist between and among persons of different racial groups have been based upon the racial stratification of our society, in which races are viewed as inherently separate. Many of the overt and covert challenges faced by interracial couples of all racial compositions seem to be directly correlated with maintaining racial and ethnic categorizations and identifications, sociopolitical hierarchies, and cultural values and mores (Azoulay, 1997; Comas-Diaz, 1996; Eschbach, 1995; Oriti, Bibb, & Mahboubi, 1996; Stephan & Stephan, 1989, 1991).

The degree to which individuals of a particular group are likely to intermarry also may be based upon levels of assimilation and acculturation (Kitano, Fujino, & Sato, 1998; Saenz, Hwang, Aguirre, & Anderson, 1995). Lee (1996) suggests that, although some interracial families involving Asians seem to be able to integrate multiple cultures with a high level of success, others have experienced conflicts involving issues of acculturation and assimilation related to differences in values, religious beliefs, communication styles, child-rearing practices, and in-law influences. Immigrant and first-generation Asians, Latinos, and Arabs involved in interracial marriages are likely to experience concerns related to communication styles, language, gender roles, parenting styles, customs, and food that may be indicative of profound cultural value and worldview differences between them and their partners (Wehrly et al., 1999). These cultural issues may be even more complex when both intermarried partners are persons of color (Blau, 1998).