From racial stereotyping and deficit discourse toward a critical race theory in teacher education

Multicultural Education, Fall 2001 by Solorzano, Daniel G, Yosso, Tara J

Claims that the cultural deficit model is no longer widely used seem premature. In fact, the 1980s and 1990s have seen a revival of the cultural deficit model, under the rubric of the cultural"underclass" (Baca Zinn, 1989; Valencia & Solorzano, 1998). Indeed, Joseph Kretovics and Edward Nussel (1994) have stated, "[alt the highest levels of educational policy, we have moved from deficiency theory to theories of difference, back to deficiency theory" (p. x). The cultural deficit model, with its related racial stereotypes in the media and in professional environments, remains the hidden theory of choice at many elementary and secondary schools, teacher education departments, professional meetings, and settings where the topic of minority educational inequality is discussed (Chavez, 1992; McWhorter, 2000).

It is important to note that unconscious and subtle forms of racial stereotyping are pervasive in the public and private discourse and are usually not socially condoned (Delgado & Stefancic, 1992; Lawrence, 1987; Pierce, 1974, 1978). Harlon Dalton (1995) has argued that it is important for Whites "to conceive of themselves as members of a race and to recognize the advantages that attach to simply having white skin" (p. 6). Andrew Hacker (1992) has raised the question: Can we place a price on being White in the United States? (see pp. 31-32).

However, Dalton (1995) goes onto state that most Whites do not see themselves in racial terms because being White "is like the tick of a familiar clock, part of the easily tuned-out background noise" (p. 6). In the teacher education classroom, the racial/ ethnic experiences of Whites can be an important part ofthe discussion and analysis of the advantages and privileges of being White in the United States (see Allen, 1993; Dalton, 1995; Hacker, 1992; Halewood, 1995; Scheurich, 1993a&b; Sleeter, 1993; Sleeter, 1994).

Occasionally, people of color get a glimpse into this world of subtle and unconscious racism and racial stereotyping (Lawrence, 1987). For instance, people of color often hear the following remarks:

"When I talk about those Blacks, I really wasn't talking about you."

"You're not like the rest of them. You're different."

"I don't think of you as a Mexican."

"You speak such good English."

"Aren't all Asians good in math?"

"If only there were more of them like you."

"All Native Americans are such spiritual people."

"But you speak without an accent."

Taken individually, these comments are viewed by most people of color as insults. However, many Whites see these statements differently and respond to people of color with such retorts as "you're being too sensitive about race," or "why does everything have to go back to race?" In fact, Charles Lawrence (1987) has commented that through"selective perception, whites are unlikely to hear many of the inadvertent racial slights that are made in their presence" (pp. 340-341). Similarly, Richard Delgado (1988) has stated that "White people rarely see acts of blatant racism, while minority people experience them all the time" (p. 407).