Schools, Vouchers, And The American Public

Journal of Law and Education, Jan 2003 by Harland, Ann

SCHOOLS, VOUCHERS, AND THE AMERICAN PUBLIC. MOE, T.M. (2001) WASHINGTON, D.C.: THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION.

In Schools, Vouchers, and the American Public, Terry Moe, professor of political science at Stanford University, provides a comprehensive examination of the school voucher issue by not only describing what the American public thinks about vouchers, but also analyzing why they think that way and how their opinions are likely to influence the politics that shapes public policy in American education. The book includes a thorough discussion of his findings from an extensive, nationally representative survey of 4,700 adults conducted in 1995 regarding school choice and vouchers. Moe presents the reader with background information regarding vouchers, and compares and contrasts the results of his study with other research on vouchers such as the PDK polls, Gallup polls, and Public Agenda's 1999 study-On Thin Ice. A self-described supporter of vouchers, Moe successfully accomplishes his intention of "laying out the truth as I know it" by analyzing public opinion and explaining how these findings can be used by both voucher opponents and proponents in mobilizing their respective constituents to block or advance public policy addressing vouchers.

Similar to other studies, Moe's findings indicate that the American public is generally satisfied with its public schools. There is a widespread "public school ideology" which exists across advantaged and disadvantaged populations which will be difficult to overcome by voucher enthusiasts. Additionally, only 35% of the respondents say they have heard of the voucher concept, which clearly presents a significant challenge for voucher supporters: creating and mobilizing an informed public. Moe contends that while there seems to be a lack of information about vouchers, his findings indicate that people do have substance to the way they think about vouchers.

According to Moe, opportunities for increasing support for vouchers may be found among those dissatisfied with public schools on the grounds of social inequity, moral or religious ideology, parental influence, and low quality. While many low income parents and people in disadvantaged districts are becoming less satisfied with low quality schools, Moe surprisingly presents evidence that people with low expectations coupled with less education tend to continue to be somewhat satisfied with low quality schools. However, Moe finds an increased interest in "going private" among those who are less advantaged, and notes a shift among parents and non-parents toward viewing private schools as having positive social consequences and as being in the public's best interests. From his findings and careful analysis, Moe concludes that vouchers appear to have the greatest appeal to those attracted to private schools, those concerned about diversity and social equity, the less advantaged, Catholics, born-again Christians, informed Republicans, and uninformed Democrats. The question remains: Can voucher proponents convert this appeal across very diverse groups into actual political support?

In conclusion, Moe explains how the defeats in the California and Michigan voucher initiatives prove that "the opponent has the advantage" and that for vouchers, "initiatives are no-win propositions." He uses examples from Wisconsin, Ohio, and Florida to illustrate his belief that vouchers will only "win" through what he calls "normal politics." According to Moe's analysis, the voucher movement is in transition and supporters on both sides are moving toward the center on the issue. Traditionalists who have previously promoted broad-based, free market systems are now supporting more centrist solutions such as plans that target the neediest students, have built in regulations for accountability and quality, and are more incremental in nature. Such targeted programs are attracting more support from liberals and Democrats who can no longer ignore the call for educational reform. Moe believes that "wins" for such programs in areas across the country will generate more familiarity and perhaps lessen doubt and uncertainty about vouchers. Likewise, he observes that avid voucher opponents are beginning to view public school choice and charter schools as more acceptable plans, and he describes their support for these programs as "growing cracks in the liberal coalition."

What does the future hold for American education? Moe adamantly rejects the notion that public schools will be destroyed or that education will be privatized by a voucher system. He anticipates that "in time the public sector will grow smaller and competition from private schools will increase," but that those who ultimately engineer voucher programs will be moderates who view vouchers as an added dimension to the existing educational system. He believes that "they will favor designs that help the public schools to adapt, improve and ultimately prosper."

In the concluding chapter of his book, Moe notes that a decision regarding the constitutionality of voucher systems, which include religious schools, is pending before the United States Supreme Court. The case, Zelman v. Simmons-Harris,1 concerns the school choice program in Cleveland, Ohio. He predicts that whatever is decided will have "huge" consequences for the voucher movement. On June 27, 2002, the Court, in a 5-4 decision, ruled that a voucher system, which includes religious schools, does not violate the separation of church and state. According to Moe's analysis, this decision increases the prospects for the spread of vouchers in the future-possibly the very near future. Only time will tell.