Phenotypical, Linguistic or Religious? On the Concept and Measurement of Ethnic Fragmentation

Malaysian Journal of Economic Studies, Jun-Dec 2003 by Yeoh, Kok Kheng

The problem of defining ethnicity is reflected in the conflict in Northern Ireland. As Brewer (1992: 352) remarked, this conflict is "perhaps more difficult to understand, both for the analyst and the lay person, than that caused by racism". The case of sectarianism is more nebulous in nature as the social marker (religion/sect) involved is less visible and deterministic, but more context-bound to the beliefs of those involved (in the sense that individuals are able to change their religion or deliberately conceal it by confounding the stereotypes that surround it, but unable to do so with their physical 'racial' features). Furthermore, unlike 'race', the saliency of religion/sect was long thought to have declined in the Western world.

Like Australia or the United States of America, Northern Ireland is basically a settler society. Nevertheless, unlike them, its indigenous population has not been exterminated or socially demoralised. As a result, two separate communities survive and perpetuate mainly through endogamy, residential exclusivity, distinct cultural associations and a segregated school system. The two communities differ in ethnic descent - the indigenous Gaelic community vs. descendants of the Scotch settlers - as well as in their feeling towards Irish nationalism. Both, however, share the same English language, since Irish Gaelic as a living language (in the sense of an ordinary everyday vernacular) has in general failed to survive into the twentieth century, other than a diminishing minority of speakers scattered along the Gaeltacht - on the west and south coasts of Ireland; and the result of the Irish Republic's effort at 'restoration' - not 'revival' since it has never completely ceased to be spoken - of the language as a vernacular has not been particularly impressive. Nevertheless, what is most obvious as a boundary marker in Northern Ireland is religious denomination - Catholics Vi. Protestants. From a doctrinal point of view, these two groups tend to view each other as heathen but, as Schmift (1977 : 229) noted, such views have not been unusual among Catholics and Protestants in other countries where they coexist peacefully.

The confessional labels in Northern Ireland thus denote more than conflicting doctrines or minor cultural distrust. They refer to profound ethnic distinctions. With intermittent violence between the two groups, the labels 'Catholic' and 'Protestant' have stood as important symbols of ethnic solidarity in Ireland since the seventeenth century. They were subsequently reinforced by continuing economic grievances, cultural hostilities, political conflict and violence. The gravity of the conflict is reflected in de Paor's statement that "in Northern Ireland Catholics are blacks who happen to have white skin" (de Paor 1970 : 13, cited by Smooha 1980 : 266).

While religion is the most visible source of conflict in Northern Ireland, the clash can hardly be called a 'religious conflict' since it is not one of rival theologies or doctrines. According to the 'situational theories' of ethnicity, a boundary marker is mobilised when actors develop identity investments due to their economic or political interests (Barth 1969). In the case of Northern Ireland, religion happens to be the most available, meaningful boundary marker which can be socially appropriated to define groups who conflict over other socio-economic and political interests. As Curran (1979: 148) noted: